![]() by: Matt Welch This weekend's Wall Street Journal, in the course of sketching out the fiscal contours of Stimulus II, makes that claim. Excerpt: Remember how $200 billion in federal stimulus cash was supposed to save the states from fiscal calamity? Well, hold on to your paychecks, because a big story of 2010 will be how all that free money has set the states up for an even bigger mess this year and into the future. The combined deficits of the states for 2010 and 2011 could hit $260 billion, according to a survey by the liberal Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. Ten states have a deficit, relative to the size of their expenditures, as bleak as that of near-bankrupt California. The Golden State starts the year another $6 billion in arrears despite a large income and sales tax hike last year. New York is literally down to its last dollar. Revenues are down, to be sure, but in several ways the stimulus has also made things worse. How's that? Read on: First, in most state capitals the stimulus enticed state lawmakers to spend on new programs rather than adjusting to lean times. They added health and welfare benefits and child care programs. Now they have to pay for those additions with their own state's money. A few governors, such as Mitch Daniels of Indiana and Rick Perry of Texas, had the foresight to turn down their share of the $7 billion for unemployment insurance, realizing that once the federal funds run out, benefits would be unpayable. "One of the smartest decisions we made," says Mr. Daniels. Many governors now probably wish they had done the same. Second, stimulus dollars came with strings attached that are now causing enormous budget headaches. Many environmental grants have matching requirements, so to get a federal dollar, states and cities had to spend a dollar even when they were facing huge deficits. The new construction projects built with federal funds also have federal Davis-Bacon wage requirements that raise state building costs to pay inflated union salaries. Worst of all, at the behest of the public employee unions, Congress imposed "maintenance of effort" spending requirements on states. These federal laws prohibit state legislatures from cutting spending on 15 programs, from road building to welfare, if the state took even a dollar of stimulus cash for these purposes. The upshot? This is the opposite of what the White House and Congress claimed when they said the stimulus funds would prevent economically harmful state tax increases. In 2009, 10 states raised income or sales taxes, and another 15 introduced new fees on everything from beer to cellphone ringers to hunting and fishing. The states pocketed the federal money and raised taxes anyway. Now, in an election year, Congress wants to pass another $100 billion aid package for ailing states to sustain the mess the first stimulus helped to create. Spending Our Way Into More Debt 12/09/2009
![]() by: Tad DeHaven Huge deficit spending, a supposed stimulus bill, and financial bailouts by the Bush administration failed to stave off a deep recession. President Obama continued his predecessor’s policies with an even bigger stimulus, which helped push the deficit over the unimaginable trillion dollar mark. Prosperity hasn’t returned, but the president is persistent in his interventionist beliefs. In his speech yesterday, he told the country that we must “spend our way out of this recession.” While a dedicated segment of the intelligentsia continues to believe in simplistic Kindergarten Keynesianism, average Americans are increasingly leery. Businesses and entrepreneurs are hesitant to invest and hire because of the uncertainty surrounding the President’s agenda for higher taxes, higher energy costs, health care mandates, and greater regulation. The economy will eventually recover despite the government’s intervention, but as the debt mounts, today’s profligacy will more likely do long-term damage to the nation’s prosperity. Some leaders in Congress want a new round of stimulus spending of $150 billion or more. The following are some of the ways that money might be spent from the president’s speech:
War Surtax Proposed 11/24/2009
![]() by: Thomas Craig As a Libertarian-Republican, I am strongly opposed to almost every tax out there (especially the income tax). While taxes are necessary to keep our Country functioning, they are too often imposed and way too high. There is one tax that I do support, a "war surtax". In the budding days of our Nation, Thomas Jefferson proposed that we implement a war surtax so that we know the financial cost of our actions, we don't bury ourselves in debt to pay for it, and most of all, so our Leaders are that much more motivated to end any war. Jefferson wanted us to avoid war and the idea of a surtax would be a strong deterrent. Unfortunately, Jefferson was not in the majority with this belief. Skip forward over 200 years later and we find ourselves borrowing billions of dollars from our competitors and enemies to finance a war where the objective is becoming more and more blurred. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are being paid for with borrowed money and that money is going to have to be paid back sooner or later. Instead of sacrificing and paying for the wars with our money, we have chosen to sacrifice our children's economy. Rep. Obey (D-Wis) and Sen. Levin (D-MI) both have proposed legislation which would impose a tax on a percentage of your income (tax would vary from 2% for middle class and low income to 12-15% for high income) to help pay for the wars. This is a logical idea and dramatically help the debt we are accumulating fighting these wars. There is an alternative, however, and it is simply to end the wars and bring our troops back home. It is perfectly acceptable to support the war effort and to support sending in reinforcements. Keep in mind, however, that if President Obama sends the requested 40,000 troops to Afghanistan, it will cost an estimated $40 Billion according to the Office of Management and Budget. Is it worth the cost of human lives and if so, is it worth crippling our Nation under debt? What the IRS Giveth, the IRS Taketh Away 11/20/2009
![]() by: Trevor Bothwell Only the government can give people back their own money and then claim that truthfully they do not deserve to keep all of it. And only a brainwashed people who has been taught that taxation is not theft would allow the government to get away with this. Thanks to an accounting "error", many taxpayers who received a tax credit last spring will have to repay the money. More than 15 million taxpayers may owe the government $250 or more because of how the IRS last spring set up President Barack Obama's tax break that was designed to help consumers spend the U.S. economy out of recession. Individuals with more than one job and married couples in which both spouses work may have to repay the government $400, either through a smaller tax refund or a larger tax bill, according to a report released Monday by the Treasury Department's inspector general for tax administration. Social Security recipients who also earn taxable wages may have to repay $250. Perhaps this is why our government likes tax credits rather than flat tax cuts. An individual has a much higher chance of incorrectly filing a tax return given the red tape involved to claim a tax credit than a simply seeing a lower rate of tribute to extract from his earnings. Moreover, the red tape involved in creating a tax credit permits "errors" of this sort which then benefit the State. Barney Frank vows to “wall off” Fed from monetary scrutiny, warns Bernanke to brace for audit 11/15/2009
![]() by: Aaron Dykes The NY Times reports that House Financial Chairman Barney Frank has met in private with Ben Bernanke to plan strategies for bracing against the overwhelming popular demand to audit the private Federal Reserve, voiced– piercingly for Bernanke– in Rep. Ron Paul’s bill, now with some 300 co-sponsors. Frank’s part in meeting was to urge Bernanke to face reality– “Mr. Frank warned that he might have to embrace a version of Mr. Paul’s bill,” wrote the Times– now it was time to consider compromises. However, responding to Bernanke’s top concerns, Barney Frank “vowed” that: “he would “wall off” deliberations on basic monetary policy, and delay the release of information about the Fed’s financial operations to prevent traders from capitalizing on its moves.” Bernanke’s “apocalyptic” fear of H.R. 1207 and the accompanying rise in public interest in the Fed, as the NY Times describes it, underscores the drastic survival mechanism of an institution that has historically relied on the secrecy provided by its bland exterior. Mr. Bernanke initially reacted to the bill in almost apocalyptic terms. The G.A.O. audits, he told a House hearing in late June, could lead to a Congressional “takeover” of monetary policy that would be “highly destructive to the stability of the financial system, the dollar and our national economic situation.” Why this fear has lingered overhead for so long may be simply because he knows that his thin-air empire can’t withstand a Constitutional examination. Bernanke worries about a “takeover” by Congress because he knows that it alone has the Constitutional authority to oversee the issuance of currency. As Alex Jones’ Fall of the Republic reveals, Ben Bernanke told Congress in no uncertain terms, that an examination of its monetary policy would amount to a ‘takeover’ and instilled the fear that it would trigger further economic devastation. The Federal Reserve should not have “independent” autonomy to direct the financial commitments of a nation, print its money at will and risk its stability. Of course Congress’ constitutional power over money is enumerated in Article I, Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution: The Congress shall have power… To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures; If Bernanke is looking over its shoulder, it is because he knows the Fed’s days are numbered, and that any light (via even a soft audit) will only serve to further expose the improper occupation of the nation’s financial instruments by a private, self-interested global banking cartel. “The Fed faces populist anger from left-wing Democrats and right-wing Republicans about its power and secrecy… It was alarming enough that… “End the Fed,” had just landed on the best-seller lists.” Bernanke and his masters are obviously very unsettled by such a significant public outcry, and, as the NY Times notes, the fact that Ron Paul’s ‘End the Fed’ has reached the best-seller list. Take The Federal Budget Challenge 11/11/2009
Below is a link to the NextTEN Budget Challenge. Very interesting and worth taking. I ended with a deficit of over $13 Trillion! See if you can do better. Just in case... the link address is www.federalbudgetchallenge.org/budget_challenge/sim/budget_master.html Excess Risk: Care Of Uncle Sam 11/09/2009
![]() by: Shout Bits The mainstream media's narrative for the financial meltdown of 2008 generally states that a bunch of overly greedy Wall Street insiders cooked up inscrutable instruments like CDOs and MBSs, and then parsed them into further inscrutable derivatives like default swaps until nobody knew how much risk was out there. These instruments, which ultimately relied on debt structures up to 98% of their assets, were destined to fail given any correction in the underlying real estate assets' value. Occasionally, reporters throw in that Congress abetted the process by fueling excesses at Fannie Mae – Rep. Frank's famous "roll the dice" quote says it all. Even rarer is a mention of how the Bush Administration repeatedly tried to put the brakes on the debt orgy. Naturally, the whole mess stirs up the regulatory instinct in Washington. In the shadow of cap and trade and socialized medicine, Congress is rewriting government's role in the capital engine. The premise, especially on the Democrat side, is that the free market gets risk wrong and is prone to excess swings. Government's new role is to monitor aggregate risk, even regulating healthy firms. In effect the new laws will make Washington the gateway for all capital formation in the US. But what, really, did the free market have to say about securitized mortgages and the rest of the debt bubble? The open market measures risk by comparing a risky security to a similar but risk free security (e.g. government bonds). Most often this is expressed by the difference in return between a security and a US Treasury Bond (i.e. the spread). Riskier investments carry higher spreads, thus compensating investors for the relative lack of certainty of being repaid in full. By March 2008, before the bubble burst, the spread on a Fannie Mae bond had reached 258 basis points, or an extra 2.58% return per year over a similar government bond. By Comparison, two years earlier the equivalent spread wasy only 39bp (0.39%). Remember that these Fannie Mae instruments were considered highly safe by government approved risk experts (e.g. S&P and Moody's). These bonds were considered as safe as any private sector security, plus most people believed that Fannie Mae enjoyed the implicit guarantee of the government. Why would a AAA rated bond with an assumed government guarantee require a 258bp premium to sell in the open market? The answer is that the market knew something was badly amiss. In the absence of a AAA rating and a government guarantee, the bond should have been priced as junk. Why the AAA rating when the market knew better? The government actively contains the number of firms who issue such ratings, effectively creating a triumvirate that works in tandem. By allowing merely three agencies, there was little chance of a maverick questioning the status quo. Further, these agencies would hardly benefit from a reputation of being deal killers. Still further, since the government sponsored both Fannie Mae and the unofficial rating agency oligopoly, rocking the boat would be unwise. The ratings agencies rubber stamped MBSs, and their opinions were not valued by sophisticated bond investors. The government's medling with risk standards definitely caused the real estate bubble and collapse that engulfed the entire financial sector, but that is hardly stopping Washington from making things worse. Currently, the FDIC is hastening a commercial real estate collapse by arbitrarily requiring larger reserves for commercial loans than for residential loans. Even if a given commercial loan is performing well, the FDIC is requiring up to 30% more in reserves for that loan than for an even marginal residential loan. As a result, commercial lending is collapsing and dragging down both good and bad business properties. A free market that assesses risk would not paint with such a broad brush, but because the government has no skills at its new task, it can only generalize risk policies. Naturally, favored special interests are exempt from government risk restrictions, further distorting the efficient flow of capital. While Pres. Obama's plans to socialize health care, expand union influence, and eliminate energy dependent industries will harm the US, his sweeping plan to regulate and distort the process by which businesses form and grow is just as threatening. Voters need to know that government manipulation of risk assessment largely caused the 2008 disaster and that further government distortions of the free market system are not the path to recovery. ![]() by: Peter Suderman The New York Times' health-care blog has a long post going over the fuzzy numbers House Democrats have used to make their recently released, 1,990-page health-care bill more palatable. The post covers a lot of the same territory as I did last Friday: It's only $900 billion if you look at the net rather than the gross; the score doesn't account for the doctors' Medicare "fix"; the bill increases Medicaid costs for states by $34 billion (which isn't counted in the score). And, the post adds, it's not clear that the bill "bends the cost curve," in other words, that it reduces the rate of rise in health-care spending. The post ends, however, with a response from Florida Democrat Alan Grayson, who takes issue with the idea that Democrats should be talking about budgeting or cost-curves at all: Representative Alan Grayson, Democrat of Florida, who has earned himself a reputation recently as a rabble-rouser, said that Democrats had done themselves a disservice by focusing on economic arguments. “We have wasted so much time talking about bending the cost curve, people have no idea what that means,” Mr. Grayson said. “Why would you want to bend a curve? It’s already bent.” So Mr. Grayson is focusing on another number — the 44,789 Americans that he says die every year for lack of insurance. “The messaging was just wrong, and now it’s right,” Mr. Grayson said. “We are saving people’s lives and saving money. That’s what really matters.” Now, some may think it's useful for a Democrat to be adopting an aggressive, moralistic tone on health-care reform, but the problem is that at least half of Grayson's primary claim just isn't true. Let's leave aside for a moment Grayson's blustery claim that the bill will save lives (which is impossible to verify: even if you accept his lives-lost statistic, there's no way to account for long-term future losses due to reduced medical R&D); his idea that the bill will save money is just wrong, at least by the traditional definition in which "saving money" means "spending less." Even if you take the CBO at its word that reform will cut the deficit (a sketchy claim that even the CBO seems to know is unlikely) cutting the deficit isn't the same as spending less. It's entirely possible to cut the deficit and yet still spend more. It's true that the reform bills, as written, produce some savings by cutting certain types of Medicare expenditures. But that money is then repurposed to help pay for subsidies so that lower-income people can buy insurance. And that money only pays for some of the new expenditures in the bill. The rest comes from either a surtax on expensive insurance plans (in the Senate plan) or a new tax on couples who earn more than a million dollars a year and individuals who earn more than $500,000 a year (the House plan). Either way, what these bills do isn't save money. Instead, they spend more, but also bring in more revenue through new taxes, theoretically resulting in a lower deficit over the long haul. Budget Deficit For Dummies 10/23/2009
The Quarter-Trillion Dollar Sneak Attack 10/20/2009
![]() by: Andrew Moylan Today, NTU released a coalition letter that we circulated that was signed by 20 state and national groups in opposition to an attempt to deceive the American public about the true costs of health care reform. Tomorrow evening, the U.S. Senate will vote on S. 1776, the so-called "Medicare Physicians Fairness Act." This legislation, worth $247 billion (all racked up on the deficit, of course, as it contains no spending reductions elsewhere) is, plain and simple, an attempt to reduce the apparent costs of the comprehensive health care reform bills before Congress. Here's how they plan to do it. Remember the Baucus bill, which received a CBO score of $829 billion in cost over ten years? The CBO said that legislation would actually reduce the deficit by a small amount. I'm sure that was music to President Obama's ears, as he has stated time and again he wouldn't sign a bill that increased the deficit. But S. 1776 would immediately reverse a portion of the Baucus bill that was included specifically to reduce its apparent cost for analyses like what the CBO did. It would increase reimbursements to physicians through Medicare by a whopping $247 billion over the next ten years, reversing cuts to those reimbursement rates the Baucus bill used to artificially deflate its score. So, by splitting this provision off into a different piece of legislation, leaders in Congress are trying to have their cake and eat it too. If they were to pass the Baucus bill, the President would sign it and rightly claim that it didn't increase the deficit (because they raised taxes slightly more massively than they raised spending). But at the same time, S. 1776 would pass into law and ring up another quarter trillion dollars in deficit spending on the side, outside the context of the "comprehensive" health care bill. Put it this way, when the Washington Post agrees with NTU on something like this, you know something's awry. |









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